Om Södertörns högskola / Personal

Andrej Kotljarchuk

Andrej Kotljarchuk

Docent

Lektor

Institutionen för historia och samtidsstudier

Samtidshistoriska institutet

Kontaktuppgifter

Andrej Kotljarchuk
Lektor
Alfred Nobels allé 7
Södertörns högskola
Flemingsberg
Telefon: 08-608 40 66
Fax: 08-608 43 60
F 804 F-huset
Publikationer

Huddinge : Södertörns högskola, 2018. (Working Paper ; 2018:1)

On September 23, 2013, the leading Swedish daily newspaper, Dagens Nyheter, published a front-page story revealing that a classified listing of Roma had been found on a server belonging to the regional police of Skåne. The illegal database comprised a register of 4,029 persons of Romani descent, more than 1,000 of whom were children living all over Sweden. This news understandably elicited horrified reactions in Sweden and throughout the world. But how exceptional is the concept of such a register to Sweden? To answer this question, we must examine Sweden’s treatment of Romani people during World War II.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2018

Institution/Centrumbildning

CBEESHistoria och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: . : .

Since the mid-1930s, theNazi regime concerned itself with the systematic registration and identificationof Roma. At the 1935 Copenhagen Interpol Conference participating states backedthe initiative proposed by the German police regarding the creation of aninternational registry of Roma. It had been easier to classify Jews for recordsheld by religious communities were readily available to the state. Many Roma inEurope were nomadic and ID-less. The study focuses on measures ofidentification and registration of Roma undertaken in sovereign Sweden and therole of experts and census takers in transnational context. On 25 September1942, the government of Sweden ordered inventory of Roma and Travellers. Thepurpose of the registration was to solve “a problem” by mapping both thesegroups. In Sweden the census did not proceed smoothly, because of the conflictswithin the experts’ community. The paper focuses on the transnational studiesof registration of Roma undertaken in the fully-sovereign Sweden and the roleof experts in ‘scientific’ legitimation of this process.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej KotljarchukSteffen Werther

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2017

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

H-Net Reviews in the Humanities and Social Sciences 2017, april : -.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2017

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: The Barents and the Baltic Sea Region. Rovaniemi : Pohjois-Suomen historiallinen yhdistys, 2017. 39-56.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2017

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Holocaust and Genocide Studies 2017, 31 (3): 457-479.

On September 25, 1942, the government of Sweden ordered a census of Roma and Travellers in the country. The mapping of these groups was to serve as a first step towards solving the perceived "Gypsy problem." The census did not proceed smoothly, mainly because of conflicts within the scholarly community. On the basis of studies undertaken in fully sovereign Sweden during the World War II period, the author of this article clarifies the role "experts" played in the "scientific" legitimization of the registration process.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2017

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

In: Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin's Soviet Union. Huddinge : Södertörns högskola, 2017. 91-121.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2017

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin's Soviet Union. Huddinge : Södertörns högskola, 2017. 15-30.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne

Olle Sundström

Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2017

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Huddinge : Södertörns högskola, 2017.

This anthology presents studies of Stalinism in the ethnic and religious borderlands of the Soviet Union. The authors not only cover hitherto less researched geographical areas, but have also addressed new questions and added new source material. Most of the contributors to this anthology use a micro-historical approach. With this approach, it is not the entire area of the country, with millions of separate individuals that are in focus but rather particular and cohesive ethnic and religious communities.Micro-history does not mean ignoring a macro-historical perspective. What happened on the local level had an all-Union context, and communism was a European-wide phenomenon. This means that the history of minorities in the Soviet Union during Stalin’s rule cannot be grasped outside the national and international context; aspects which are also considered in this volume. The chapters of the book are case studies on various minority groups, both ethnic and religious. In this way, the book gives a more complex picture of the causes and effects of the state-run mass violence during Stalinism.The publication is the outcome of a multidisciplinary international research network lead by Andrej Kotljarchuk (Södertörn University, Sweden) and Olle Sundström (Umeå University, Sweden) and consisting of specialists from Estonia, France, Germany, Russia, Sweden, Ukraine and the United States. These scholars represent various disciplines: Anthropology, Cultural Studies, History and the History of Religions.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne

Olle Sundström

Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2017

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: Conference proceeding Murman and Russian Arctic: history, present and future. Murmansk : Murmansk Artic State University.

The paper summarizes the results of the study of Scandinavian and Finnish settlements on the Kola Peninsula supported by the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies and Södertörn University as a part of the research project “Soviet Nordic Minorities and Ethnic Cleansing on the Kola Peninsula” led by Associate Professor Andrej Kotljarchuk. The focus of this article is on the representation of Kola-Nordic history as well as on the Nordic sites of memory in today’s Russia

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2017

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: Russische und Sowjetische Geschichte im Film. New York : ALTIJA, 2016. 129-150.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2016

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

In: . Kautokeino : .

The first Soviet census of 1926 counted 1,708 Sami living in Northern Russia, 99.4 per cent of whom worked at that time with reindeer breeding, and the vast area of the Kola tundra was used by Sami reindeer (Kisilev & Kisileva 1987). The total population on the Kola Peninsula at that time was 22,858 persons. The Sami people consisted of 7.5 per cent of the total population and was a significant minority of the Barents region, exceeded in numbers only by the Russian majority. In the Russian empire, the Sami had no native-language schools and administrative autonomy. After the 1917 October revolution, the politics of self-determination the so called korenizatsiya became a dominant trope for Bolsheviks expressing national aspirations for “oppressed” indigenous peoples of the tsarist regime. The Soviet government looked on the indigenous people in a good way regarding them as a socialistic collective social group (Leete 2004: 28–30). The Soviet regime in the Barents Sea region was established only in 1920 after three years of civil war. The remote Northern area was terra incognita for Soviet leadership, whose personal experience was urban and linked to the industrial milieu. Therefore, with the help of a favourable national policy, the Bolsheviks wanted to attract indigenous peoples to take their side (Toulouze 2005: 140–141). The official nomenclature of indigenous peoples was changed, and Soviet officials began to use politically correct names. Thus, instead of Lapps (Russian lopari) the Sami (saamy) appeared in the Soviet legislation acts and mass media. In 1917, a delegation of the Kola Sami was met in the Kremlin by Joseph Stalin— Minister for Nationalities (Souvarine 1939: 200). In 1920, the national assembly of the Kola Sami appealed to the Soviet government of Murmansk with a requirement of cultural autonomy (Dashchinskiy 1999: 21). The interwar Soviet Union was unlike many other states in Europe. This difference concerns not only the abolition of private property and the dictatorship of the Communist Party, but also a nationalities policy based on internationalism. The Soviet Union was practically the first great power in the world that systematically promoted the national consciousness of indigenous peoples and established for them institutional forms characteristic of a modern nation. While indigenous peoples faced discrimination, the Soviet Union proclaimed in 1923 a policy of self-determination, cultural and linguistic rights for all minorities (Martin 2001). The main aim of the Soviet nationalities policy in the North was “to liberate indigenous peoples from the vestiges of the past” (Slezkine 1994: 220–221). The Bolshevik party decided to overcome “backwardness of indigenous peoples” and make them “modern,” which meant to develop them in the short term at a higher level of more advanced minorities (Sundström 2007: 130–135). The fascinating experiment of early Soviet minority politics included the establishment of Sami administrative autonomy with a center in Lovozero, the training and promotion of ethnic cadres, the invention and codification of Sami literary language in the Latin script and the introduction of a native system of education. New educational policy started with a nurture of native pedagogical cadres and preparation of native textbooks. In 1929 the first Sami school was opened and by 1937 there were 18 Sami primary schools on the Kola Peninsula. The future Sami teachers and educators have nurtured at the Sami Department of Murmansk Pedagogical College (33 Students in 1934) and in Leningrad, at the Institute for the Peoples of the North (8 students in 1933) and Lenin’s nationalities policy changed dramatically when in 1937, the Soviet secret police NKVD fabricated the so-called “Sami Complot.” 68 Sami were accused of being spies for Finland and members of the fictitious underground organization the alleged aim of which was to rebel against the USSR in order to establish an independent Sami republic. Terry Martin drew attention to the connection between the Great Terror and the liquidation of the native system of education of non-Slavic minorities and the expanding educational sphere of the Russian language (Martin 2001: 422-429). In the course of Stalin’s Great Terror the Sami schools on the Kola Peninsula were closed, Sami-language textbooks confiscated, and replaced by Russian-language textbooks. Many of native teachers were arrested by the NKVD and executed or sent to prison. The promotion of Sami culture in Russia was fully stopped simultaneously until the perestroika.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2016

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: Problemy i tendentsii razvitiya sotsiokulturnogo prostranstva Rossii. Bryansk : .

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2016

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Etudes Tsiganes 2016, 56-57 : 194-215.

Beginning in the mid-1930s, Nazi Germany concerned itself with the systematic identification of Roma. In interwar Europe, the ‘Gypsy question’ was, in fact, on many governmental agendas - not only as a matter for the police. Police trouble with Roma was, for instance, repeatedly the subject of discussion within the International Criminal Police Commission. It was easier to identify and register Jews due to the fact that records held by religious communities were readily available to the state. Contrastingly, many Romanies in Eastern Europe were nomadic at the time and did not possess identification cards. At its 1935 Copenhagen Conference, Interpol's participating states backed the initiative proposed by representatives of the SS-dominated German police force regarding the creation of ‘an international registry of Roma’ in Vienna.As Nazi German domination spread in Europe, so did the registration and identification of Roma take its place as a first stage of the genocidal process. In 1941, the government of Nazi-satellite Croatia ordered local authorities to register ‘Gypsies’ by age, sex and geographical location. Most ended up in the Jasenovac camp. In July 1942, the civil administration of the Reichskommissariat Ukraine, which oversaw the territories of modern Ukraine and Belarus, ordered the local authorities to register Roma, in order to prepare for the mass violence to come.World War II was the largest disaster ever experienced by the civilian population of Belarus and Ukraine. More than 2.2 of 10.5 million people (both civil and military) were murdered in Belarus, exceeding the war casualties of both France and Britain combined.  The population of Belarus did not return to its pre-war level until the mid-1970s. Thousands of Romanies were killed in 1941–44 by the Nazi perpetrators, Axis powers, and local auxiliary police on the spot and were almost never deported to extermination camps. While the ethnic East Slavic majority suffered massive losses, two minorities (Jews and Roma) suffered systematic annihilation by the Nazis. The mass killings of Roma and Jews, recognized as genocide by the international community, differs in nature from the mass murder of other sectors of the population. The notion of genocide has a strictly defined legal meaning. The key notion for a legal evaluation of the genocidal nature of mass crimes is intent. The systematic extermination of Roma and Jews by the Nazis is substantiated by a higher number of victims within the entire ethnic community. While the persecution of the Roma in Nazi-dominated Western Europe has been subject to great scholarly attention, the Nazi genocide of Soviet Roma is still an under-studied field of research. This study focuses on the identification and registration of Romanies taken in the Nazi-occupied Ukraine and Belarus and the role of census takers. The influence of pre-war Soviet governance that predicated the situation within the Romani community during the war must also be considered when looking for an explanation of the genocide. As Bernhard Chiari pointed out, in order to understand the Nazi occupational policy, we have to look more carefully at the pre-war ethnic structure and population changes in Belarusian and Ukrainian territories.By 2014, 113 sites of mass extermination of Romanies were identified on the territory of the Ukraine and 27 locations in Belarus. However, due to the lack of reliable statistics, it is not possible to give an exact number of the victims of the genocide. The general number of the Romani victims of the Nazi genocide across the whole of Europe vary greatly from 96,000 to 500,000. Of them, according to the previous research, about 30,000 were murdered on the territory of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus: around 20,000 of them perished within current Ukrainian borders; about 3,000 in Belarus; and approximately 6,500 in northwestern Russia and the Russian Caucasus. As Mikhail Tyaglyy noted, these estimates are approximate, for they are based solely upon available archival records and often do not include nomadic Roma. In order to clarify this question, this study will take on the issue of how many Roma were on the territory of Belarus and Ukraine prior to the Nazi occupation and how many of them survived the genocide.Overarching research questions of this study are as follows:Was there continuity between the governmental registration of Romanies in interwar and wartime Belarus and Ukraine?How many Roma were on the territory of Soviet Belarus and Ukraine by 1941?How many Roma were murdered in the Nazi genocide in the Ukraine and Belarus?What governmental factors created during the Soviet period were then crucial for the death or survival of Roma under Nazi occupation?Why did the Nazi registration not proceed smoothly and allow for part of the Roma to survive the genocide?

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2016

Institution/Centrumbildning

-

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Nordic and Baltic Studies Review 2016, 1 : 422-427.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2016

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: Disputed Memories. Berlin-Boston : Walter de Gruyter, 2016. 149-176.

Thousands of Soviet Roma were killed in 1941–1944 by Nazi Einsatzgruppen andlocal collaborators. They were almost never deported to extermination camps,but instead their bodies were left at the scenes where these crimes were committed.In the protocols of the Soviet Extraordinary Commission for Investigation ofWar Crimes, the Roma were often counted as murdered civil citizens, withoutspecifying their ethnicity. Despite the existence of a small number of accountsidentifying the victims of these murders as Romani, the Roma part of the Holocausthistory is still little known in post-Soviet space.In 1976 an official memorial at Babi Yar was erected in Kyiv on the locationof the largest massacre during WWII of Eastern European Jews and Roma. However,the Soviet leadership discouraged placing any emphasis on ethnic aspectsof this tragedy. The Nazi policy of extermination of Roma was neglected; the warwas depicted as a tragedy for all Soviet peoples.The discussion of the Romani identity cannot be isolated from the memoryof the genocide during WWII, which makes the struggle over the past a reflexivelandmark that organizes the politics of commemoration.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2016

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: Encyclopedia of the Barents Region. Oslo : Pax Forlag, 2016. 189-191.

The Barents Encyclopedia will present comprehensive information about the progress of the Barents Region Project, the project to establish international collaboration across national borders through innovative organizational conceptualizations, an active promotion of a transborder regional identity, and the introduction of new forms of regional governance in the most densely populated and industrialized part of the Arctic.Articles in the encyclopedia will discuss the historical roots of current developments and review the cultural, socio-economic, and political prerequisites for a continued and intensified transborder interaction among citizens inhabiting the Barents Region, a territory so designated through the signing of the 1993 Kirkenes Declaration.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2016

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Baltic Worlds 2015, 28 maj : -.

Thousands of Roma were killed in Ukraine between 1941 and 1944 by Nazi einsatzgruppen and local collaborators. The Romani victims were practically never deported to extermination camps but instead their bodies were left where they had been murdered. Babi Yar (Babyn Yar in Ukrainian) in Kyiv is considered a single largest Holocaust massacre in Europe. The place is a chine of seven deep ravines in the north-western part of the city. There on September 29-30, 1941, more than 33,000 Jews were exterminated by Nazis in a single mass killing. In 1941-43 hundreds of Ukrainian Roma were also murdered there. The total number of victims (Jews, Roma, underground fighters, mentally ill people, Ukrainian nationalists) killed in Babi Yar is estimated to 100,000 people. However in the postwar report published by the Extraordinary Commission for Investigation of War Crimes (ChGK), the Roma were not specified, they were rather counted as ”murdered civil citizens”. The Soviet leadership discouraged placing any emphasis on the ethnic aspects of this genocide. In April 1945 the leading Soviet newspaper Pravda informed their readers that according to the party decision a memorial and a museum will be built in Babi Yar. Nothing was done. The Nazi policy of extermination of Roma was neglected; the war was depicted as a tragedy for all Soviet peoples.  Until 1966 the site of mass killing in Babi Yar was unmarked and the first monument was built only in 1976 after a number of protest actions.Despite the silence on the Jewish and Roma genocides, the 1976 Soviet memorial legalized practices of memory. Every year September 29 the monument was visited not only by Jews but also Roma. It was then that the Romani tradition was born to bring to the monument the photos of relatives murdered by the Nazis. This practice continues to this day. By this ceremony the Roma are trying to overcome the problem of de-personalization of the genocide victims.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2015

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Fortid 2015, 2 : 18-22.

Stalinism like Nazism is a Europe-wide phenomenon. This means that the history of Stalinism could not be grasped inside the Soviet Union. In the past of the tiny Norwegian minority in Russia the history of Stalin’s dictatorship, of democratic Norway and of the international communist movement combined in a bizarre form. Access to previously unavailable sources from Soviet archives has brought to light a little-known history, namely “national operations” of the Soviet secret police (NKVD) and the deportation of minorities, one of the central features of Stalinist repression. However, most prior studies have been concerned with large minority groups. The faith of ethnic Norwegians in Stalin’s Soviet Union is under-studied and the main contribution to this subject was made by a journalist Morten Jentoft.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2015

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: Lithuania-Poland-Sweden. Vilnius : National Museum, 2014. 377-389.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2014

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

Stockholm : Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, 2014.

I boken analyseras de olika sociala experiment som invånarna i Gammalsvenskby i Ukraina utsattes för under 1900-talets första hälft. Från 1700-talet och framåt hade svenskbyborna täta kontakter med Sverige och Finland och behöll sin svenska identitet och kultur. Den stalinistiska staten försökte vid flera tillfällen förändra svenskbybornas kollektiva identitet. De skulle “normaliseras” och bli goda sovjetukrainska medborgare, medlemmar av internationella kommunistiska rörelsen och medvetna byggare av det socialistiska samhället. 1929 emigrerade samtliga invånare i Staroshvedskoe (888 personer) till Sverige, efter förhandlingar mellan den svenska och den sovjetiska regeringen. I Sverige sattes en mängd insatser in för att ”integrera” Ukrainasvenskarna i det moderna samhället. De fick inte bosätta sig tillsammans och övervakades av inspektörer på praktikplatser, så att integrationen gick rätt till. Ungefär en tredjedel av Ukrainasvenskarna valde därefter att återvända till Sovjetunionen. Efter deras återkomst till Röda Svenskbyn genomfördes där ett experiment administrerat av Komintern och under ledning av kommunister från Sveriges kommunistiska parti. Experimentet gick ut på att bygga upp den första svenska kolchosen i Sovjetunionen. Under den Stora Terrorn arresterades och arkebuserades 23 svenskbybor, anklagade för att ha byggt upp en “svensk spionorganisation”. Den tyska ockupationen av Ukraina medförde att Ukrainasvenskar blev offer för ännu ett experiment, denna gång i form av en nazi-germanisering av den svenska befolkningen i Altschwedendorf. 1945 förvisades svenskbybor av den sovjetiska säkerhetspolisen till Gulag eftersom de klassificerades som folkets fiender. Inom ramen för Michel Foucaults och Alberto Meluccis teorier undersökas i boken den sovjetiska tvångsnormaliseringens tekniker. Dessa användes framgångsrikt av myndigheterna för ideologisk, lingvistisk och kulturell omstöpning av Ukrainasvenskarna, men författaren visar också hur svenskbyborna gjorde kollektivt motstånd.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2014

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

ГОЛОКОСТ І СУЧАСНІСТЬ 2014, 12 : 24-50.

The article analyses various instances of the memory politics of the Nazi genocide of Roma in Ukraine during wartime, Soviet and Post-Soviet periods of times through the prism of the theory of “path dependency” and the concept of “sites of memory“. One of the aims of this study is to interpret recent trends in contemporary memory politics in Ukraine, with focus on the Roma genocide memorials, and the documentation of the victims. The author shows how Soviet ‘path dependency’ designed the limits of commemoration of the Nazi genocide of the Roma in Ukraine. During World War II the leading Soviet newspapers informed the public about the mass killings of Roma by the Nazis on the occupied territories and stressed that the systematic extermination of this group was motivated by racial goals. However, after 1945, the systematic extermination of the Roma population by the Nazis became a taboo and was ignored by Soviet historiography and memory politics. The absence of an educated strata within the Roma group and the aggressive forgetting politics made impossible the recording of testimonies of the Soviet Roma tragedy immediately after the war. Today it is simply impossible because of a lack of witnesses and archival records.The author draws interesting parallels with memory politics in Ukraine, and its conciliation with Belarus and Russia. In recent years, about twenty monuments commemorating victims of the genocide of the Roma have been erected in Ukraine. According to decision of the Ukrainian Rada dated 8 October 2004, the International Day of the Holocaust of the Roma is held annually on 2 August. Following the countries of the European Union, Ukraine abandoned the official use of the word ‘Gypsies’ in favour of the more politically correct name ‘Roma’. At the same time, in Belarus there only three sites of memory devoted to the Roma genocide and in Russia – no one. In Ukraine, over the last few years, a number of conferences on the genocide of the Roma were held, collections of scientific papers were published, and research centres were formed. At the same time, in Belarus and in Russia, not a single scholar specializes in this subject. The author explains such contradiction by the radical change of memory politics of World War II in the contemporary Ukraine, which influenced by both the internal and external factors. The most important internal factor is the humanization of memory politics that is the diversion of memory politics from heroes to the sufferings of ordinary people. The revising of the Soviet myth of World War II opened the previously closed topics. The author shows how the realignment of Soviet history around new narrative axes is taking place in the memory politics of today's Ukraine. The main external factor is a process of the integration of the Ukrainian state into the EU. It is worth noting that in contrast to the Soviet era, memory politics in the present-day Ukraine are being built on the basis of a European concept of reconciliation. However, the memorialization of the victims of the Nazi genocide of the Roma has a number of objective obstacles related to the Soviet period. The problems related to commemoration of the genocide of the Roma, as this article has demonstrated, are limited by ‘path dependence’ and not by deliberately discriminatory politics towards the Ukrainian Roma. The politics of forgetting and poor integration into Soviet society did not give the Roma an opportunity for public recognition of their tragedy in the Soviet Union. One of the main problems of contemporary memory politics is the de-personalisation of the victims of the Roma genocide. The Roma traditionally avoid contact with the authorities, and the official data and the real number of the Roma can differ greatly. It is important to stress a number of factors which differentiate memory work on the Jewish and Roma tragedies. If today the Holocaust is remembered not only through monuments but also through deserted synagogues, the former Jewish ghettos and cemeteries, the Roma do not have any of these. With the genocide, almost all their physical space of memory was destroyed. For a long time the Roma minority did not share in the building of the Ukrainian nation. The commemoration of the Roma Holocaust has the possibility of changing this situation, boosting the inclusion of Roma in contemporary Ukrainian society.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2014

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudier

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: Nazi Genocide of Roma and Jews in Eastern Europe. International Forum.  Museum of Jewish Heritage and Holocaust. Moscow February, 2013.. Moskva : Museum of Jewish Heritage and Holocaust, Moscow.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2014

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudier

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Holokost i Suchasnist'. Studii v Ukraini i Sviti 2014, 12 (1): 105-118.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2014

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudier

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: The Sea of Identities. Huddinge : Södertörn University, 2014. 53-83.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2014

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

In: The Lost Swedish Tribe. Huddinge : Södertörns högskola, 2014. 111-149.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2014

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

The Journal of Belarusian Studies 2013, 1 : 7-40.

The article examines contemporary memory politics in Belarus as exhibited by new monuments to Holocaust victims, the genocide of the Roma people, and the mass killings of representatives of the Polish minority during World War II. It analyses various instances of the exploitation of the mythology of World War II for daily political purposes. Dr Kotljarchuk draws parallels with memory politics in Ukraine, and its conciliation with Poland and Russia with which Belarus shares similar problems, namely the very limited commemoration of the genocide of the Roma and the swift rate of memorialisation of the Holocaust.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2013

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

Arche 2012, 5 : 166-172.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2012

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

Journal of Northern Studies 2012, 6 (2): 59-82.

The study is focused on aspects that have been understudied by previous research on the Kola Sami. First there is a quantitative analysis of the Sami victims of the Stalinist terror. Second there is the discussion of the shortand long-term roles of state violence for the affected indigenous community. Most prior studies of the ethnic aspects of the Stalinist terror have focused on the large Diaspora nationalities or post-war deportations, while this paper concentrates on a small homogenous indigenous community. The study reaches a new level of accuracy about the nature of Soviet terror, and who became victims and why.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2012

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudier
Historia

Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Moskva : ROSSPEN, 2012.

I boken analyseras de olika sociala experiment som invånarna i Gammalsvenskby i Ukraina utsattes för under 1900-talets första hälft. Från 1700-talet och framåt hade svenskbyborna täta kontakter med Sverige och Finland och behöll sin svenska identitet och kultur. Den stalinistiska staten försökte vid flera tillfällen förändra svenskbybornas kollektiva identitet. De skulle “normaliseras” och bli goda sovjetukrainska medborgare, medlemmar av internationella kommunistiska rörelsen och medvetna byggare av det socialistiska samhället. 1929 emigrerade samtliga invånare i Staroshvedskoe (888 personer) till Sverige, efter förhandlingar mellan den svenska och den sovjetiska regeringen. I Sverige sattes en mängd insatser in för att ”integrera” Ukrainasvenskarna i det moderna samhället. De fick inte bosätta sig tillsammans och övervakades av inspektörer på praktikplatser, så att integrationen gick rätt till. Ungefär en tredjedel av Ukrainasvenskarna valde därefter att återvända till Sovjetunionen. Efter deras återkomst till Röda Svenskbyn genomfördes där ett experiment administrerat av Komintern och under ledning av kommunister från Sveriges kommunistiska parti. Experimentet gick ut på att bygga upp den första svenska kolchosen i Sovjetunionen. Under den Stora Terrorn arresterades och arkebuserades 23 svenskbybor, anklagade för att ha byggt upp en “svensk spionorganisation”. Den tyska ockupationen av Ukraina medförde att Ukrainasvenskar blev offer för ännu ett experiment, denna gång i form av en nazi-germanisering av den svenska befolkningen i Altschwedendorf. 1945 förvisades svenskbybor av den sovjetiska säkerhetspolisen till Gulag eftersom de klassificerades som folkets fiender. Inom ramen för Michel Foucaults och Alberto Meluccis teorier undersökas i boken den sovjetiska tvångsnormaliseringens tekniker. Dessa användes framgångsrikt av myndigheterna för ideologisk, lingvistisk och kulturell omstöpning av Ukrainasvenskarna, men författaren visar också hur svenskbyborna gjorde kollektivt motstånd.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2012

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudier
Historia

Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Historisk Tidskrift (S) 2011, 131 (1): 3-24.

Within the theoretical framework provided in the works of Michel Foucault and Alberto Melucci the author analyzes the techniques of forced normalization used by the Soviet state in order to reorient the cultural and linguistic identity of a Swedish ethnic group in the Soviet Union. The Swedish colony of Gammalsvenskby was founded in the southern Ukraine in 1782 by fishermen from the island of Dagö/Hiiumaa in the Baltic Sea. Villagers had frequent contacts with Sweden and Finland throughout the nineteenth century. In 1929 about 900 persons from the village emigrated to Sweden after negotiations between the Swedish and Soviet governments. However, in 1930-31 265 colonists voluntarily returned to the USSR to form a “Swedish Communist Party Kolkhoz”. During World War II Swedish colonists accepted the status of Volksdeutsche. In 1943 all villagers together with their German neighbours were evacuated to Germany by the Nazi occupation forces. In 1945 about a hundred of the returning Ukrainian Swedes were deported by the Soviet secret police (NKVD) to the Komi autonomous republic – a Finno-Ugric region in northern Russia. The government decided to settle all Former Volksdeutsche in the Gulag area alongside other enemies of the Soviet state “until further notice”. The main purpose of the displacement and isolation of this “special contingent” was “to make them true Soviet citizens”.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2011

Institution/Centrumbildning

-

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

In: SWOT Analysis and Planning for Cross-Border Co-operation in Northern Europe. Gorizia : I.S.I.G., 2010. 145-150.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2010

Institution/Centrumbildning

CBEES

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

Vilnius : Institut för Vitrysslandsstudier, 2007.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2007

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudierSamtidshistoriska institutet

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Lithuanian Historical Studies 2007, 12 : 41-62.

In the 19th century when the process of formation of the modern ethnic identity in Eastern Europe started Belarus lost their educated strata, the Ruthenian elite, potential leadership of this movement. That happened for a number of reasons. Among them, there was the success of the 17th -18th century’s counter-reformation over Protestantism and Orthodoxy in Belarus and Lithuania. After 1667 the Catholicism became the sign of political loyalty to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In result step by step the Ruthenian nobility and up-class of townspeople of Orthodox and Protestant faiths adopted the Polish religious and cultural identity that the formula was: “gente ruthenus, natione polonus.” Very few have been written about ethnic Ruthenian nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Ruthenia and Samogitia (further the GDL) especially its Protestant group. The aim of this article is to present an overview on the relationship between the early modern Protestant and Orthodox parts of the Ruthenian elite and their correlated identity.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2007

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudier
Historia

Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

In: The dynamics of economic culture in the North Sea and Baltic Region. Hilversum : Verloren, 2007. 240-249.

Riga was undoubtedly the major port city in the eastern Baltic and consequentlythe gateway for Lithuanian trade with Western Europe. This contribution focuseson Riga’s commercial role in the first half of the seventeenth century when the citybecame a part of the Swedish empire and the city’s relationship with the Lithuanianhinterland, still a part of Lithuanian-Polish Commonwealth, became muchmore complicated. The article stresses the economic reasons for Swedish politicaland military engagements in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania which peaked with theUnion of Kodainiai in 1655. From a historiographical perspective, this paper beginswith the argument by the Swedish historian Arthur Attman that Swedish interestin the eastern Baltic territories began with trade. The paper will suggest that theLithuanian nobility and merchants were also interested in establishing a good relationshipwith Sweden because Swedish power guaranteed political stability accompaniedby commercial development, this being reflected in the success of Riga’smerchants during the 1630s and 1640s.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2007

Institution/Centrumbildning

-

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

Nordisk Østforum 2006, 20 (4): 459-461.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2006

Institution/Centrumbildning

Historia och samtidsstudier
Historia

Forskarutbildningsområde

Historiska studier

This book examines and analyses the Union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Sweden signed in 1655 at Kėdainiai and the political crisis that followed. The union was a result of strong separatist dreams among the Lithuanian-Ruthenian Protestant elite led by the Radziwiłł family, and if implemented it would radically change the balance of power in the Baltic Sea region. The main legal point of the Union was the breach of Lithuanian federation with Poland and the establishment of a federation with Sweden. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania aspired to return to international relations as a self-governing subject. The Union meant a new Scandinavian alternative to Polish and Russian domination. The author places the events in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the general crisis that occurred in Europe in the middle of the 17th century characterized by a great number of wars, rebellions and civil wars from Portugal to Ukraine, and which builds the background to the crisis for Lithuania and Sweden. The research proved the importance of lesser powers in changing the geopolitical balance between the Great Powers. The conflict over Lithuania and Belarus was the main reason for the Swedish-Russian, Polish-Russian and Ukrainian-Russian wars. The failure of the Union with Sweden was caused by both internal and external factors. Internally, various ethnic, confessional and political groups within the nobility of Lithuania were split in favour of different foreign powers – from Muscovy to Transylvania. The external cause for the failure of the Union project was the failure of Swedish strategy. Sweden concentrated its activity to Poland, not to Lithuania. After the Union, Swedish authorities treated the Grand Duchy as an invaded country, not an equal. The Swedish administration introduced heavy taxation and was unable to control the brutality of the army. As a result Sweden was defeated in both Lithuania and Poland. Among the different economic, political and religious explanations of the general crisis, the case of Lithuania shows the importance of the political conflicts. For the separatists of Lithuania the main motive to turn against Poland and to promote alliance with Sweden, Russia or the Cossacks was the inability of Poland to shield the Grand Duchy from a Russian invasion.The Lithuanian case was a provincial rebellion led by the native nobility against their monarch, based on tradition of the previous independence and statehood period. It was not nationalism in its modern meaning, but instead a crisis of identity in the form of a conflict between Patria and Central Power. However, the cost of being a part of Sweden or Muscovy was greater than the benefit of political protection. Therefore, the pro-Polish orientation prevailed when Poland after 1658 recovered its military ability the local nobility regrouped around Warsaw. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania managed to remain on the political map of Europe, but at the price of general religious Catholization and cultural Polonization. After the crisis, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania gradually changed into a deep province of the Polish state.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne

Robert I Frost

Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Nej
2006

Institution/Centrumbildning

CBEES

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-

In: Contemporary Change in Belarus. Huddinge : Baltic & East European Graduate School, Södertörns högskola, 2004. 41-72.

FörfattarePubliceringsårÄmne
Andrej Kotljarchuk

Östersjö- och Östeuropaanknytning

Ja
2004

Institution/Centrumbildning

CBEES

-


Forskarutbildningsområde

-